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Failed Leaders And Corrupt Nation-IX

Issue 03, January 16, 2011


Siddhi B. Ranjitkar

While briefing the UN Security Council on January 05, 2011 as head of the UN Mission in Nepal (UNMIN), three specific things Karin Landgren has told are the prospect of a ‘peoples’ revolt’; of ‘the president stepping in’; or of ‘an army-backed coup’ in Nepal. However, cranky Nepalese politicians are not ready to accept this situation even though these are the only alternatives to the current political deadlock if they fail to work on the consensus politics for breaking the deadlock. Politicians have been waging a cold war among them and have been trying everything possible to grab the power ignoring even the smallest thing of development in Nepal. Every politician of any color agrees on the need for working on the consensus politics but nobody has been prepared for doing so. The three alternatives Landgren has mentioned are the real ones to break the current political deadlock if they don’t work on the consensus politics to break it.

Nepalese politics has been characterized by twists and turns. Politicians have not been working well. They have been likely to break not only their promises but also even the so-many agreements they have signed. They have been operating highly unreliably. The political arena has been something like a stage for a carnival if we take it lightly. The president has taken a wrong step directly writing a letter to the then Chief of Army Staff over stepping the Interim Constitution of Nepal of 2007. Prime Minister Prachanda has quit the office in protest against the president’s unconstitutional move. Making the mockery of democracy in Nepal, legislators belonging to the NC and CPN-UML and some other insignificant small political parties have chosen the man called Madhav Nepal defeated in two constituents as a prime minister for replacing the elected Prime Minister Prachanda of the UCPN-Maoist that has secured the highest number of seats in the parliament. However, some leaders of the so-called democratic parties have claimed that the election of the man rejected by the people in the polls to the highest office in the country is the part of democracy. The president has prorogued the parliamentary session on the recommendation of officiating Prime Minister Madhav Nepal to introduce the budget for the fiscal year 2010 by the presidential order. Now, UNMIN is leaving Nepal possibly opening the floodgate of conflict again.

Departure of UNMIN from Nepal is the first step toward the three alternatives such as ‘a peoples’ revolt’, ‘the president stepping in’ or  ‘an army-backed coup’ if the three major political parties such as UCPN-Maoist, NC and CPN-UML fail in building a consensus on completing the peace process and the writing of a new constitution on time. UNMIN has been in Nepal since 2007 following the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) the Government of Nepal has reached with the UCPN-Maoist. Following the CPA, the Nepal Army (NA) and the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) have locked the fighters and the weapons in number and amount equal to each other in their respective stores and kept the keys with them. The NA remains in the barracks whereas the PLA are confined in different cantonments at various places. UNMIN simply supervise them whether they follow the CPA or not. Now, once the UNMIN is gone from the country, the NA can come out of the barracks and the PLA also can break the cantonment codes and come out as and when they want. This is exactly what some leaders of NC and CPN-UML have wanted. Thus, the departure of UNMIN becomes the step forward to the conflict.

Leaders of NC and CPN-UML have been severely criticizing the UNMIN and have been against extending the terms of UNIMIN in Nepal to force the UNMIN out of the country. Now, UNMIN is leaving Nepal after January 15, 2011. They can order the NA out of the barrack and provoke the PLA to a direct confrontation with the UCPN-Maoist. These visionless so-called NC and CPN-UML leaders have been seeking a direct confrontation with the UCPN-Maoist believing that the NA can deal with the PLA. Possibly, they believe that they can run the country riding on the back of the president that has been doing whatever these foolhardy leaders have urged him to do. Such actions of these leaders will certainly activate one of the three prospects of ‘a peoples’ revolt’, ‘the president stepping in’ or  ‘an army-backed coup’.

On the other hand, the UCPN-Maoist has passed the resolution for a people’s revolt if the regressive forces obstruct the peace process and the writing of a new constitution. The situation of the people’s revolt has already come after the UNMIN leaves the country. Officiating Prime Minister wants all equipment used by the UNMIN and its mandate to oversee the PLA cantonments. Thus, the unelected Madhav Nepal sitting in the office of Prime Minister is ready to take up the mandate of the UNMIN that will certainly be challenged by the UCPN-Maoist. The question is only how. The UCPN-Maoist leaders have recently said that they will challenge at the Supreme Court of Nepal against the Madhav Nepal taking the role of the UNMIN in overseeing the PLA cantonments. But they have other options, too. They can order the PLA to resist whatever the officiating Prime Minister tends to do and at the same time, bring the YCL to the streets to protest against the officiating Prime Minister. The president will be spared as long as he will stay a ceremonial one.

Recently, Vice-president Permananda Jha has said that the president should step in if the political stalemate continues. Mr. Jha does not see any alternative to the presidential rule in the current political situation. He has taken the oath of office in a foreign language challenging the rule of law, and provoking strong protests from the Nepalis with nationalistic feelings. Ultimately, The Supreme Court of Nepal has corrected his illegal action ordering him to take the oath of office in the Nepali language. He has been implicated in engaging in the things not allowed by laws while he has served as a justice at the Supreme Court of Nepal. But our Madheshi political leaders have chosen him as a candidate for the first Vice-president of the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal as if Nepal has not a single clean person for such a high office. Legislators belonging to the Madheshi political parties, NC and CPN-UML have elected him.

Officiating Prime Minister Madhav Nepal has once even threatened that he is going to recommend the president to step in the political arena. He wants the president to impose a state of emergency, then dissolve the Constituent Assembly-cum-parliament and create a political vacuum to impose the presidential rule so that a man like him rejected by the people can enjoy the power perpetually. He has been creating a political environment to this end.

The deadline for completing the writing and the promulgation of a new constitution expires on May 28, 2011. The writing of a new constitution has been progressing and the leaders of the 28 political parties representing in the Constituent Assembly have been closing their differences in many contentious issues but the three major political parties such as UCPN-Maoist, NC and CPN-UML altogether having more than two third majority have to work on completing the peace process and the writing of a new constitution. They have been creating a political environment for a people’s revolt or a presidential or an army rule not working on the consensus politics.

Leaders opting for a people’s revolt have taken over the party leadership of the UCPN-Maoist. Perhaps, they want to use the YCL that has been hanging around for some time for the street protest. They have the PLA to fight against any force that come across. So, they don’t want compromise on anything with anybody. They have been doing the same thing in the parliament. Consequently, they have not bothered to form a coalition with any political parties to build a majority for forming a new government. They feel that they have been doing better staying out of the government and opting for a people’s revolt hoping that the people’s revolt will given them the absolute power and then they can build a new Nepal.

This is exactly what the NC and CPN-UML leaders want to prevent the UCPN-Maoist to do and win the political game sending the UNMIN back home. Unfortunately, these mentally handicapped politicians have not used even a bit of their brains to think what exactly they have been doing. They have thought that UNMIN have been heavily biased toward the UCPN-Maoist and have repeatedly criticized the former head of the UNMIN and the current head of UNMIN saying they have been working for the UCPN-Maoist. Any logically thinking person will not believe that the people working for such a world body would be biased for or against anybody.

The peace process in Nepal is at a crossroads as the United Nations winds up its mission there, with the major challenge remaining to integrate 19,000 personnel from the Maoist army which fought a decade-long civil war, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon says in a new report. Other issues could also lead to fresh conflict and Mr. Ban calls on all sides to make the necessary compromises, overcome their mistrust and put the country’s needs above their partisan interests according to the news posted on UN News Service on December 31, 2010.

“Nepal’s journey towards sustainable peace is not finished, and the prolonged political deadlock that has hampered progress has become a growing concern for Nepalis and the international community alike as key timelines and deadlines approach in the coming months,” Mr. Ban says.

“While the Government and the Maoists agreed in September 2010 that the remaining tasks of the peace process would be largely completed by mid-January 2011, this has so far proved elusive,” he writes, warning that other commitments in the peace accord have yet to be addressed and “hold the seeds of fresh confrontation” if expectations remain unmet.

“Rapid steps are needed to secure the integration and rehabilitation of Maoist army personnel in a mutually acceptable manner, which the United Nations would have liked to see prior to the departure of UNMIN in order to avoid any vacuum,” he tells the Security Council in the report, referring to the UN Mission in Nepal.

“The parties can and must find a way out of this situation,” he writes. “They have in the past made major compromises, and they must soon do the same. None of them can afford to put the entire process and the fruits of their hard work at serious risk. No one side can expect to win at the expense of others.”

Following the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) needs to be integrated with the Nepal Army within six months but it has not happened, yet because the Nepal Army and leaders of the NC and CPN-UML have opposed the integration. The opposition has treated the total number of the PLA with suspicion after Chairman of UCPN-Maoist Prachanda has disclosed at the meeting with the cadres in Chitwan that the number of the PLA has been inflated for presenting to the UNMIN.

At a meeting with the Chief of UNMIN Karin Landgren on Thursday, December 29, 2010, Chairman of UCPN-Maoist Prachanda has presented a letter he has written to the UN Security Council for extending the term of UNMIN until May 28, 2011, as the presence of UNMIN is vital to complete the peace process. She has a meeting with Chairman Prachanda before leaving Kathmandu for New York to present her last briefings on UNMIN to the UN Security Council.

The letter written by the government to the UNMIN, signed by Secretary Bimal Prasad Wagle has stated that Army Integration Special Committee (AISC) will take over all the tasks UNMIN has been doing in Nepal following the Articles 146 and 147 of the Interim Constitution of Nepal of 2007, and the two parties mentioned in the Clause 10.5 of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement is no more valid after the election to the Constituent Assembly-cum-parliament, the state-run newspaper ‘Gorkhapatra’ of December 31, 2010 writes.

Following the Comprehensive Peace Agreement the government has reached with the UCPN-Maoist, the government and the UCPN-Maoist jointly do the monitoring and management of the cantonments. Writing a letter unilaterally to the UNMIN a few days ago stating the AISC is prepared to take over the task of both monitoring and managing the cantonments, the government has violated the Comprehensive Peace Agreement according to the UCPN-Maoist. UNMIN has led the Joint Monitoring and Coordinating Committee for monitoring the cantonments, while the Ministry of Peace has managed the cantonments.

The UCPN-Maoist is preparing to file a writ at the Supreme Court (SC) of Nepal against the government writing a letter to the UNMIN saying the AISC will take over the role of UNMIN in monitoring the PLA cantonments after the departure of UNMIN from Nepal, nepalnews.com writes on January 3, 2011.

On January 5, 2011, presenting her last report on UNMIN to the UN Security Council, Karin Landgren has said that there has been some progress on the issue of the Special Committee supervising, integrating and rehabilitating Maoist army personnel, ‘The Rising Nepal’ of January 7, 2011 writes. "But there is considerable confusion and disagreement on how, and by whom, monitoring will be conducted after UNMIN. Today, ten days before the closure of the mission, there is no consensus mechanism to which UNMIN can hand over its monitoring responsibilities. It is not clear what will happen after UNMIN withdraws," she said.

"The Agreement on the Monitoring of the Management of Arms and Armies (AMMAA) of 26 November 2006, witnessed by UNMIN, spells out the role of the UN Mission as the monitor of these arrangements, as does the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) of 21 November 2006. The departure of UNMIN, the designated monitor, seems set to create a legal void," she said. "All the agreements can be revised by the parties, for example, to provide for an alternative monitoring arrangement, but they have yet to do so."

"The remaining tasks of the peace process, and particularly the integration and rehabilitation of Maoist army personnel, require collective political will. No party on its own can identify and implement satisfactory solutions. But the failure of the peace process to advance has strengthened the hand of those on all sides who deride it as unproductive or far too slow," she said. "There is a real risk that the failure of the peace process will become a self-fulfilling prophecy."

Some of these political guys don’t realize the reality of three things: a people’s revolt or a presidential or an army rule as mentioned by Chief of UNMIN while presenting her last report on Nepal to the UN Security Council on January 5, 2011. So, they have used everything possible to disprove this reality.

On January 6, 2011, speaking at the Security Council, Permanent Representative of Nepal to the United Nations Gyan Chandra Acharya has said that the Special Committee will supervise arms and Maoist army combatants as per the guidelines laid out in the Directives for Supervision, Control, Direction and Code of Conduct for the Maoist Army Combatants which was adopted unanimously on September 17, 2010. Ambassador Acharya has stated that the Government of Nepal has already sent a letter to UNMIN and through it to the United Nations concerning the monitoring of Maoist army combatants and arms, Nepal army, Agreement on Management of Arms and Armies (AMMA) and Dispute Resolution Mechanism and the request for the transfer of the updated records of arms and Maoist army combatants, all the materials, equipment and logistics used by UNMIN for monitoring tasks, ‘The Rising Nepal’ of January 8, 2011 writes. Ambassador Acharya has written to the members of the Security Council expressing strong objections to the parts of the statement made by Karin Landgren as baseless conjecture.

On January 6, 2011, referring to the letter of the government asking for transfer of the UNMIN mandate, Chief of UNMIN Karin Landgren has said that the UN cannot turn over monitoring equipment, documents, and containers with arms and ammunitions to the government in absence of an agreement between the government and the UCPN-Maoist on a mechanism playing the role of UNMIN in monitoring the two armies, myrepublica.com writes. “In numerous discussions with the government about the disposal of monitoring-related UN assets, UNMIN has set out the relevant UN administrative procedures,” Landgren stated in her briefing to the Security Council, “It is not an option for us to hand over monitoring-related UN equipment to the government without agreement between the government and UCPN-Maoist on the nature and form of future monitoring.”

Leaders of UCPN-Maoist, NC and CPN-UML sat together at Singha Durbar in Kathmandu on January 6, 2011 to discuss a mechanism that will play the role of UNMIN after it leaves Nepal. They have discussed whether to replace UNMIN with the already-formed Army Integration Special Committee or with an alternative mechanism. Leaders of UCPN-Maoist have insisted on a new mechanism for monitoring the Nepal Army, too but leaders of the NC have rejected the need for monitoring the Nepal Army, as it has ended with the completion of the election to the Constituent Assembly-cum-parliament, myrepublica.com writes. Talking to the reporters after the meeting, Vice-chairman of UCPN-Maoist Narayan Kaji Shrestha has said that leaders of the three parties have agreed on another round of talks on an alternative mechanism to replace UNMIN. “We have clearly said that leaving the Nepal Army outside the monitoring would be a violation of the Comprehensive Peace Accord,” myrepublica.com quotes Shrestha.

On January 6, 2011, NC Parliamentary Party leader Ram Chandra Poudel has said that nobody should blame NC and CPN-UML for the exit of UNMIN from Nepal, as the UN Security Council has decided to end the UNMIN following the expiry of its term on January 15, 2011, nepalnews.com writes.

Launching a campaign to revitalize grassroots-level activities in Chitwan on Friday, January 7, 2011, NC Central Working Committee member and youth leader Gagan Thapa has said that the presence of UNMIN is necessary to complete the peace process and the constitution-writing but the leaders of the large political parties are not serious about it; the constitution-writing has not been completed even when UNMIN has been here after the UNMIN leaves Nepal then the political leaders will completely ignore the completion of the constitution-writing, myrepublica.com writes. The top leaders of his party and of the CPN-UML have been deadly against the presence of UNMIN.

Speaking at the function held by the party’s Kathmandu district chapter on Friday, January 7, 2011, Chairman of CPN-UML Jhalanath Khanal has said that the Comprehensive Peace Accord (CPA) might collapse if the major parties fail to agree on an alternative mechanism to the UNMIN before its departure from Nepal, myrepublica.com writes. "If UNMIN departs before we find an alternative to it, the CPA might collapse and the peace process may eventually meet with an accident," Khanal said.

On January 8, 2011, talking to the reporters in Lekhnath of the Kaski district in western Nepal, officiating Prime Minister Madhav Nepal has said that the report presented by Chief of UNMIN Karin Landgren to the UN Security Council stating the possibility of takeover by the president, or an army coup is untrustworthy, false and baseless, ‘The Rising Nepal’ of January 9, 2011 writes. He has ruled out the possibility of an army coup and a presidential rule in the country, as Nepal Army has been dedicated to democracy and abided by democratic norms.

At the same time, speaking at the mass rally held by the NC Makawanpur Committee in Hetauda, President of NC Sushil Koirala has said that the president struggling for democracy throughout his life could hardly think of doing any harm to democracy; so, the possibility of an army coup or a presidential rule in the country is fictitious and fabricated by Chief of UNMIN Karin Landgren in her report to the UN Security Council.

Speaking at an interaction program on January 8, 2011, Spokesperson for UCPN-Maoist Dinanath Sharma has said that the rightist forces have been provoking the President for a takeover. Currently, the rightist forces are weak, so they are provoking the president to impose a presidential rule thus making Karin Landgren’s briefing at the UN Security Council true to some extent, Telegraphnepal.com writes quoting spokesperson Sharma.

Talking to the reporters in Dhankuta in Eastern Nepal on January 8, 2011, Chairperson of the royalist party called Rastriya Prajatantra Party-Nepal Kamal Thapa has said that failure of political parties in working on the consensus politics is indeed making the prospect for a Maoists’ Revolt, an army backed coup and a presidential rule thus agreeing on the Chief of UNMIN Karin Landgren’s briefing at the UN Security Council, Telegraphnepal.com writes.

On January 8, 2011, President Ram Baran Yadav has invited Chairman of UCPN-Maoist Prachanda to the presidential office and has assured him of the president not imposing the presidential rule and asked him for not believing in the report of Chief of UNMIN Karin Landgren on the possibility of a presidential rule. Chairman Prachanda in his turn has warned the president of launching a people’s revolt if the regressive forces obstruct the peace process and the writing of a new constitution, IANS writes.

Saying the report on the possibility of imposing a presidential rule in Nepal is targeted at tarnishing his image, President Ram Baran Yadav has expressed serious dissatisfaction with the report on the possibility of a presidential rule presented by Chief of UNMIN Karin Landgren to the UN Security Council on January 5, 2011, nepalnews.com writes. President Yadav’s press advisor Rajendra Dahal has said that it is meaningless to accuse the president of killing democracy that has sacrificed so much of his life for the sake of democracy. He has also said that the Nepal Army has cooperated with the political parties on deposing the King for the sake of democracy will unlikely to resort to a coup.

Deputy Chief of Mission at the Nepal’s Permanent Mission to the United Nations in New York, Shankar Bairagee has said that the mission has sent a letter to all 15 members of the Security Council stating the ground reality in Nepal is different from what Landgren has stated in her briefing to the UN Security Council ‘The Himalayan Times’ online writes. He has also said that the mission has made it clear that failure of the peace process, imposition of President’s rule and an army-backed coup is beyond imagination.

At the same time, spokesperson for Nepal Army Ramindra Chhetri has said that the Nepali Army has been committed to democracy and follows the Interim Constitution of Nepal of 2007; so, the allegation made by Chief of UNMIN Landgren of the possibility of an army coup is not only baseless and unthinkable but also malicious, ‘The Himalayan Times’ online writes.

Speaking to the reporters at the press conference held in Kathmandu on January 10, 2011 to clarify her presentation made to the UN Security Council, Chief of UNMIN Karin Landgren has said that Nepalis have misinterpreted her presentation. Landgren has said that her report to the UN Security Council is the reflection of the general perception of the public about security fears in the country after the UNMIN leaves; for example, recently Vice-president Permananda Jha has said that the president needs to step in, ‘The Himalayan Times’ online and myrepublica.com write.

Speaking at a program held in Gorkha on January 10, 2011, Vice-chairman of UCPN-Maoist Dr Baburam Bhattarai has said that the Nepalese people will revolt against the regressive forces if they usurp the power standing on the back of the Nepal Army disrupting the timely completion of the peace process and constitution-writing. Thus, Dr. Bhattarai has reflected on the possibility of the army takeover as presented by Chief of UNMIN Karin Landgren at the UN Security Council on January 5, 2011, ‘The Himalayan Times’ online writes.

On January 10, Chief of UNMIN Karin Landgren has defended her briefing to the UN Security Council on the progress of the Nepal’s peace process and political atmosphere saying she has only pointed at the fear among the people concerning the possible political development including a people’s revolt, a presidential rule or an army coup, ‘The Rising Nepal’ of January 11, 2011 writes, and quotes her statement as follow.

"Let me address a single sentence in my briefing that has been misrepresented in some reports. The passage in question, which was a normal part of my political reporting to the Security Council, recounted that many Nepalis had at times had fears of specific scenarios. This is a factual statement about local perceptions. These fears have been shared with me, let me underline, and widely discussed, and I would have been remiss not to mention them. But they are not a UN warning or a UN assessment of risk. As you will note, I said that Nepal’s dramatic political gains were not likely to be reversed," Landgren said at a press meet.

“Since last year, I have sought clarity on the status of the Agreement on Monitoring of the Management of Arms and Armies, the Joint Monitoring Coordination Committee and on the parties’ planned supervisory arrangements. My letter of 13 December to Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal and UCPN-M Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal outlined what the UN could and could not do, and stressed that a consensus request would be required for the UN to loan monitoring equipment to any future arms monitor,” she said "I would like to reiterate that the peace process still faces significant challenges that can put Nepal’s great successes since 2006 at risk. The risks are twofold. The most urgent is in connection with the issue of the monitoring arrangements, which I have already addressed. The other risk involves any of the parties going back on their solemn commitments of the past, including the collective commitment to completing the new constitution."

She has clearly stated that the UNMIN will not hand over the arms of the Maoist armies to the government as demanded. She said, "The arms in the containers have always belonged to the parties themselves. In other words, the arms in the containers in the cantonments belong to the Maoist army and the arms in the containers at Chhauni barracks belong to the Nepal Army. So, it is not for UNMIN to do any handing over of those arms."

The Parliamentary Committee on International Relations and Human Rights on Thursday, January 13, 2011 has directed the government to form a reliable mechanism for the effective inspection and monitoring of arms and army of both the Nepal Army and the PLA before the UNMIN leaves Nepal on Jan 15, 2011, nepalnews.com writes. Saying it will be the violation of the Comprehensive Peace Accord (CPA), Chairman of the Committee Padam Lal Biswokarma has rejected the request of the government for keeping the Nepal Army out of the purview of any new mechanism. The parliamentary committee has also requested UNMIN for turning over the logistics to the mechanism.

The Ministry of Peace and Reconstruction on Wednesday, January 12, 2011 has sent its fourth letter to UNMIN requesting for turning over the logistics to the Army Integration Special Committee for the Supervision, Integration and Rehabilitation of Maoists Combatants after its departure. UNMIN has not responded to the letters of the government, as the government has not met the condition of the both parties: the government and the UCPN-Maoist writing for it.

Officiating Prime Minister Madhav Nepal and Chairman of UCPN-Maoist Prachanda have signed a three-point agreement on setting up a six-member team to monitor the arms and armies of the People’s Liberation Army and the Nepal Army one day before UNMIN leaves Nepal on January 15, 2011. The deal ends the uncertainty of the critical issue of monitoring the two armies.

After signing the deal, Chairman of UCPN-Maoist Prachanda has said that both the government and his party also have agreed on thanking UNMIN for working on the peace process in Nepal for four years, and committed to follow the previous agreements completing the peace process; the deal has certainly ended the prevailing uncertainty of the political situation after the departure of UNMIN from Nepal.

The following is the extract of the interview of Chief of UNMIN Karin Landgren given to myrepublica.com posted on January 14, 2011: “The promised actions in the Nepal Army (NA) [democratization and right sizing] too have not taken place. The slowness of the process is also a reflection of the weak architecture of some parts of the process. For example, mechanisms that were foreseen to oversee the peace process commitments and their implementation as a whole were not set up, and there has never been a reliable and routine high-level dialogue mechanism, which the parties could turn to systematically to resolve issues in the manner of the Joint Monitoring Coordination Committee (JMCC). There is no such mechanism for parties. There was also widespread public misunderstanding of the nature of UNMIN monitoring. We were at times accused of failing to “control” Maoist army personnel. If we had been given a mandate to control movement and enforce regulations that would have required putting thousands of people on the ground. The parties had agreed that UNMIN should have a light presence, and there was never a mandate of control. And there were increasingly political accusations that UNMIN was placing both the armies at par with each other. But our monitoring role was the product of an agreement between the parties. For many, the Shaktikhor video was shocking. I tried very hard to get to the bottom of the numbers, including talking to experts about their information on the size of the Maoist army at different times. In terms of the verification exercise, in May 2009, I went back over all the details of that process and was satisfied that it was conducted as thoroughly as it could have been conducted. Remember that the political parties accepted the outcome of the verification. It was not a simple process and it did not become controversial until May 2009, a year-and-a-half after it was completed.”

Some people believe that once UNMIN leaves Nepal then the political leaders will behave seriously. They will be bound to work on the consensus politics and compromise with each other on various matters concerning the completion of the peace process and the writing of a new constitution. If it comes true then Nepalis will have brighter future otherwise poor Nepalis will need to fight for survival. As the political leaders in power have tended to be the daylight robbers, majority of Nepalis have been fallen back to poverty despite a large amount of money foreign donors have been pouring in Nepal.

January 14, 2011


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